This accusation carries significant weight: that Rachel Reeves may have lied to Britons, spooking them into accepting billions in extra taxes which would be spent on increased benefits. While hyperbolic, this is not typical Westminster sparring; this time, the stakes could be damaging. Just last week, detractors of Reeves alongside Keir Starmer had been calling their budget "a mess". Today, it is denounced as lies, with Kemi Badenoch demanding Reeves to step down.
This grave charge demands clear answers, so let me provide my assessment. Has the chancellor lied? Based on current evidence, no. She told no whoppers. But, notwithstanding Starmer's yesterday's comments, that doesn't mean there is no issue here and we can all move along. The Chancellor did mislead the public about the considerations informing her choices. Was it to funnel cash to "benefits street", as the Tories assert? Certainly not, and the figures demonstrate it.
Reeves has taken another blow to her standing, but, should facts continue to matter in politics, Badenoch should call off her lynch mob. Maybe the resignation yesterday of OBR head, Richard Hughes, due to the leak of its internal documents will quench SW1's thirst for blood.
But the true narrative is far stranger than media reports indicate, and stretches wider and further than the political futures of Starmer and the 2024 intake. Fundamentally, this is an account about how much say the public have in the running of our own country. This should concern you.
After the OBR released recently a portion of the projections it provided to Reeves as she prepared the red book, the surprise was immediate. Not only has the OBR not done such a thing before (described as an "exceptional move"), its figures seemingly contradicted the chancellor's words. Even as leaks from Westminster were about the grim nature of the budget was going to be, the watchdog's forecasts were getting better.
Consider the government's most "unbreakable" rule, that by 2030 daily spending on hospitals, schools, and the rest must be completely funded by taxes: at the end of October, the OBR calculated this would just about be met, albeit only by a tiny margin.
Several days later, Reeves held a media briefing so unprecedented that it caused morning television to break from its regular schedule. Weeks before the actual budget, the country was warned: taxes were going up, with the main reason being pessimistic numbers provided by the OBR, in particular its conclusion that the UK was less productive, investing more but getting less out.
And lo! It came to pass. Notwithstanding the implications from Telegraph editorials combined with Tory broadcast rounds implied over the weekend, this is basically what happened during the budget, that proved to be significant, harsh, and grim.
Where Reeves deceived us was her alibi, since those OBR forecasts did not force her hand. She might have made different options; she might have given alternative explanations, including on budget day itself. Before the recent election, Starmer pledged exactly such public influence. "The promise of democracy. The strength of the vote. The potential for national renewal."
One year later, and it is powerlessness that jumps out from Reeves's pre-budget speech. Our first Labour chancellor in 15 years portrays herself as a technocrat buffeted by forces outside her influence: "Given the circumstances of the long-term challenges with our productivity … any finance minister of any political stripe would be standing here today, facing the choices that I face."
She certainly make a choice, only not one the Labour party wishes to broadcast. Starting April 2029 UK workers and businesses are set to be contributing another £26bn annually in taxes – and most of that will not be spent on improved healthcare, new libraries, or happier lives. Whatever bilge comes from Nigel Farage, Badenoch and their allies, it is not being lavished upon "welfare claimants".
Instead of being spent, more than 50% of the additional revenue will in fact give Reeves cushion against her own budgetary constraints. About 25% goes on paying for the administration's U-turns. Examining the watchdog's figures and giving maximum benefit of the doubt to Reeves, a mere 17% of the taxes will go on genuinely additional spending, for example scrapping the two-child cap on child benefit. Its abolition "costs" the Treasury only £2.5bn, as it was always a bit of political theatre from George Osborne. A Labour government should have have binned it in its first 100 days.
Conservatives, Reform along with the entire Blue Pravda have spent days railing against the idea that Reeves conforms to the stereotype of Labour chancellors, taxing strivers to fund the workshy. Party MPs are cheering her budget as a relief to their social concerns, protecting the disadvantaged. Each group are completely mistaken: The Chancellor's budget was largely targeted towards investment funds, speculative capital and participants within the financial markets.
The government can make a strong case in its defence. The margins from the OBR were insufficient to feel secure, particularly considering bond investors demand from the UK the highest interest rate of all G7 developed nations – higher than France, which lost its leader, higher than Japan that carries way more debt. Combined with our measures to hold down fuel bills, prescription charges and train fares, Starmer together with Reeves can say their plan allows the central bank to cut its key lending rate.
You can see why those wearing red rosettes may choose not to couch it in such terms next time they're on #Labourdoorstep. As one independent adviser to Downing Street puts it, Reeves has "weaponised" financial markets as a tool of discipline over Labour MPs and the voters. It's why the chancellor can't resign, no matter what promises she breaks. It is also the reason Labour MPs must knuckle down and vote to take billions off social security, just as Starmer promised recently.
What's missing here is any sense of strategic governance, of harnessing the Treasury and the Bank to forge a new accommodation with investors. Missing too is innate understanding of voters,
A passionate gamer and tech reviewer with over a decade of experience in the gaming industry, specializing in controller ergonomics and performance.